A passionate historian and travel writer specializing in Italian cultural heritage and ancient Roman history.
On the exact day Donald Trump received a tailor-made "award for peace" from his recent ally, FIFA president "Gianni" Infantino, his administration published an similarly ostentatious security policy document. This fairly short report is saturated with the essence of Trump and Trumpism. It opens with the characteristically humble assertion that the president has brought back "our nation – and the world – back from the edge of catastrophe and disaster."
Even though the strategy largely codifies the ongoing actions and rhetoric of Trump and his team, it must be heeded as a serious warning for the international community, and for Europe in particular.
The document advocates for an assertive form of foreign-policy interference where the US explicitly sets the goal of "promoting European greatness." Its rhetoric could have been taken directly from addresses by Viktor Orbán during the much-discussed migration emergency of 2015-16: "Our desire is for Europe to stay European, to reclaim its civilizational self-assurance." Even more ominously, the document states that Europe's "economic decline is overshadowed by the real and more stark possibility of civilizational erasure."
The entire section dedicated to Europe is steeped in generations of European right-wing ideology and rhetoric. The EU and its migration policies are held responsible for "changing the continent and causing conflict, censorship of free expression and stifling of political opposition, cratering birthrates, and erosion of national identities and self-belief." According to the document, if "current trajectories continue, the continent will be unrecognisable in 20 years or less. As such, it is not at all clear whether certain European countries will have economic power and armed forces powerful enough to be dependable allies." In fact, the Trump administration believes that "in a matter of years at the latest, certain NATO members will become predominantly non-European."
"U.S. foreign policy should continue to stand up for authentic democracy, free speech, and proud celebrations of European nations’ unique heritage and past."
These points carry powerful echoes of two theories regarded as foundational for contemporary right-wing circles. The first is Oswald Spengler's "Der Untergang des Abendlandes," whose argument on the cyclical decline of civilizations was employed by the German far right to criticise the "decadence" and "weakness" of the democratic Weimar Republic. The second is "Le Grand Remplacement," published in 2011 by French novelist Renaud Camus, who transformed long-existing "indigenous" fears into a more overt conspiracy theory, accusing European elites of using immigration to replace rebellious "indigenous" populations and bring in a more docile and dependent electorate.
It is the nationalist fever dream encapsulated in both ideas that grants the Trump administration the authority, if not the obligation, to intervene in European affairs, the document implies. And it is clear where it sees its allies: "The United States encourages its ideological partners in Europe to advance this resurgence of national spirit, and the increasing influence of patriotic European parties in fact gives cause for significant hope."
Put simply, the US contends that it is key to its national security to "Restore European strength," and that the European far right is the sole movement that can accomplish this. Therefore, its "broad policy for Europe" focuses on "cultivating resistance to Europe’s present path within European nations" – understood as the far right – and "building up the healthy nations of central, eastern, and southern Europe" – in particular "aligned countries that want to reclaim their former greatness" – such as Hungary and Italy.
While the document stays vague on implementation, it is obvious that a priority is to push Europe to adopt a sweeping policy on freedom of speech, closer to the US model – particularly regarding right-wing speech – and not just on social media. Another is to normalise relations with Russia; or, as the document calls it, to "restore strategic stability with Russia." Although the country is not directly called a future ally, the Trump administration clearly does not treat Russia as an enemy either.
In a wider context, the national security strategy draws its ideas less from the glorified US of the 1950s and more from the 1823 policy of 1823. Proclaimed by President James Monroe, this cautioned European powers not to meddle in the "western hemisphere," which he proclaimed to be the US’s zone of influence. The Trump administration’s policy document promises to "assert and enforce a Trump addition" to the Monroe Doctrine, which entails the US "recruiting" countries worldwide that wish to help safeguard US national interests.
This is entirely new – consider JD Vance’s speech at the 2025 Munich Security Conference, where the vice-president launched an ideological attack on Europe’s democratic model. But maybe now that it is laid out in an formal document, European leaders will finally realize that the situation is serious. And if the document is too lengthy or imprecise for them, it can be condensed in clear and succinct terms: the current US government believes that its national security is best served by the demise of liberal democracy in Europe. In other words, the US is not just an reluctant ally; it is a deliberate adversary. Now is time to act appropriately.
A passionate historian and travel writer specializing in Italian cultural heritage and ancient Roman history.
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Christy Woods