{From Camel Trader to Warlord: The Rise of a Man Who Now Commands Half of Sudan

Mohamed Hamdan Dagolo, previously made his fortune trading camels and gold. Now, his paramilitary Rapid Support Forces dominate nearly half of Sudan.

Seizing Power in Darfur

Hemedti's forces scored a notable victory by capturing the city of al-Fasher, which was the final military stronghold in the western region.

Hated and dreaded by his enemies, Hemedti is admired by his supporters for his tenacity and his promise to overthrow the discredited state.

Humble Beginnings

Hemedti's origins are modest. He comes from the Mahariya clan of the camel-herding Rizeigat community, an Arabic-speaking group that straddles Chad and Darfur.

Born around 1974, as is common in remote regions, his date and place of birth were not officially registered.

Led by his uncle Juma Dagolo, his clan moved to Darfur in the 1970s and 80s, escaping war and seeking better opportunities.

Initial Ventures

Dropping out of education in his adolescence, Hemedti began earning by dealing in livestock across the desert to Libya and Egypt.

During that period, Darfur was Sudan's wild west—poor, ignored by the government of then-President Bashir.

Local armed groups known as the Janjaweed attacked villages of the indigenous Fur, escalating a major uprising in 2003.

Rise Through Violence

In response, Bashir massively expanded the Janjaweed to lead his counter-insurgency campaign. They soon became infamous for burning, looting, and killing.

Hemedti's force was among them, accused in attacking the village of Adwa in November 2004, claiming the lives of over a hundred individuals, among them 36 children.

International inquiries determined that the Janjaweed were responsible for crimes against humanity.

Calculated Moves

In the years following the height of violence in 2004, Hemedti astutely managed his rise to become head of a powerful paramilitary force, a corporate empire, and a political machine.

At one point he rebelled, requesting back-pay for his soldiers, advancements, and a political position for his brother. Bashir granted many of his requests.

Later, when other Janjaweed units mutinied, Hemedti commanded loyalist troops that defeated them, gaining control Darfur's largest artisanal gold mine at Jabel Amir.

Rapidly, his family company al-Gunaid became the top gold exporter in Sudan.

Formalizing Power

By 2013, Hemedti requested and obtained official recognition as head of the new paramilitary group, reporting directly to Bashir.

The Janjaweed were integrated into the RSF, getting new uniforms, vehicles, and weapons.

Regional Ambitions

Hemedti's forces engaged in Darfur, performed less successfully in the Nuba Mountains, and accepted a contract to police the border with Libya.

Supposedly curbing illicit migration, Hemedti's officers also engaged in corruption and human smuggling.

In 2015, Saudi Arabia and the UAE asked Sudanese troops for the Yemen conflict. Hemedti negotiated a separate deal to provide RSF mercenaries.

His ties with the UAE proved most consequential, beginning a close relationship with UAE officials.

Expanding Influence

Young Sudanese men trekked to RSF recruiting centers for signing bonuses of up to $6,000.

Hemedti formed an alliance with the Russian Wagner organization, gaining expertise in exchange for commercial dealings, including in the gold trade.

He visited Moscow occurred on the day of the invasion of Ukraine.

Turning on Allies

As protests grew, Bashir ordered Hemedti's units to the capital Khartoum, dubbing him himayti.

This backfired. In April 2019, when protesters called for change, Bashir ordered the army to open fire. Instead, the military leaders deposed him.

Initially, Hemedti was celebrated as a new leader for Sudan. He attempted to rebrand, but this was short-lived.

Return to Violence

As the transition stalled, Hemedti unleashed the RSF, which committed massacres, raped women, and reportedly drowned men in the Nile.

Hemedti has rejected that the RSF committed atrocities.

Pressed by international powers, the military and civil leaders reached a deal, leading to an uneasy partnership for two years.

Current Conflict

As an investigation started looking into military-owned companies, the two generals ousted the government and seized power.

However, they disagreed. Burhan demanded the RSF be integrated into the military. Hemedti resisted.

In April 2023, RSF units moved to surround strategic locations in the capital. The attempted putsch was unsuccessful, and violence broke out across the city.

Conflict intensified in Darfur, with the RSF mounting a vicious campaign against the Masalit people.

International organizations report thousands of casualties, with the US describing it genocide.

Current Status

Hemedti's forces obtained advanced arms, including sophisticated drones, deployed against Burhan's stronghold and critical for the capture of el-Fasher.

Equipped thus, the RSF is in a strategic stalemate with the Sudanese army.

Hemedti has formed a parallel government, the "Government of Peace and Unity", appointing himself leader.

With the capture of al-Fasher, the RSF now holds the majority of inhabited territory in western Sudan.

Following reports of mass killings, Hemedti announced a probe into abuses perpetrated by his fighters.

Many believe Hemedti envisions himself as president of a breakaway state or still aims to control the entire country.

It's also possible, he may emerge as a political puppet master, commanding businesses, a mercenary army, and a political party.

And as Hemedti's troops continue atrocities in el-Fasher, he seems assured of impunity in a global community that overlooks.